União Europeia
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Re: União Europeia
https://www.theepochtimes.com/mkt_app/c ... e=andshare
https://www.lovablevibes.co/europes-ene ... r-arrives/
https://www.reuters.com/business/energy ... 022-11-28/
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Re: União Europeia
https://www.reuters.com/business/energy ... ce=twitter
https://oilprice.com/Energy/Energy-Gene ... =tw_repost
https://www.zdf.de/nachrichten/wirtscha ... e-100.html
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles ... insolvency
https://www.reuters.com/business/energy ... ce=twitter
https://sites.manchester.ac.uk/politica ... -taxonomy/
How the energy crisis is pushing nuclear power in the EU taxonomy
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Re: União Europeia
https://watt-logic.com/2022/11/22/norwa ... -security/
Why Norway’s views on energy security should ring alarm bells across Europe
https://hjtvnews.in/?p=83746
Europe’s real energy crisis will come next winter – but it also won’t last forever
https://aw-journal.com/in-europe-due-to ... -increase/
In Europe, due to the energy crisis, deaths may increase
https://www.bruegel.org/blog-post/cap-o ... rgy-prices
To cap or not to cap: the deal Europe needs on energy prices
https://www.frontnieuws.com/russische-t ... an-europa/
https://www.lemonde.fr/en/environment/a ... 6_114.html
France to pay up to €500m for falling short of renewable energy targets
https://www.voanews.com/a/sober-or-brig ... 51840.html
Sober Or Bright? Europe Faces Holidays During Energy Crunch
https://oilprice.com/Energy/Energy-Gene ... risis.html
How Europe’s Energy Crisis Could Turn Into A Food Crisis
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Re: União Europeia
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/22/busi ... d=tw-share
https://www.ft.com/content/6c0b645f-250 ... 660adad324
Europe’s energy crisis set to linger for years, industry warns
https://archive.ph/QiqIx
Europe’s Energy Tab Climbs Past €700 Billion as Winter Arrives
https://www.theguardian.com/media/2022/ ... rom-london
French regulator called on to withdraw licence allowing CGTN to broadcast from London
https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-ea ... 022-11-25/
https://www.yahoo.com/news/europe-embar ... 12532.html
Europe embarks on solar power 'revolution' to solve its energy crisis — and fight climate change
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Re: União Europeia
Alemanha deteve 25 pessoas que estariam a preparar um golpe de estado e invasão do parlamento
As autoridades alemãs anunciaram a detenção de várias pessoas ligadas à extema-direita que estariam a preparar uma ação para tomar o poder no país e invadir o parlamento com um ataque armado.
Vinte e cinco pessoas foram detidas na Alemanha por uma alegada conspiração contra o governo que incluia a preparação de ataques armados, segundo a procuradoria-geral da Alemanha. De acordo com a BBC foram levadas a cabo várias operações por todo o país para travar uma tentativa de personalidades da extrema-direita e ex-militares invadirem o Parlamento e tomarem o poder no país.
A BBC revelou que alguns dos detidos são membros do Reichsbürger (Cidadãos do Reich), um movimento de extrema-direita alemão com ligações neonazis, para o qual as autoridades têm as atenções viradas há muito devido a ataques violentes e atos racistas. Este grupo recusa a existência da Alemanha como é, desde o estado às instituições e às fronteiras.
O grupo, que rejeita a Constituição implementada depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial e apela ao derrube do governo, terá sido formado em 2021.
Um dos principais responsáveis pelo plano é apresentado como o príncipe Heinrich XIII, de 71 anos, e terá sido fundamental no desenvolvimento do projeto que agora foi desmantelado. Além disso, será um dos dois cabecilhas que se encontram entre os detidos.
A procuradoria-geral da Alemanha referiu que 22 alemães foram detidos sob suspeita de “filiação numa organização terrorista”. Três outras pessoas, incluindo um russo, são suspeitas de apoiar a organização. Uma pessoa foi detida na cidade austríaca de Kitzbuehel e outra na cidade italiana de Perugia, referiu ainda o comunicado.
Os procuradores disseram, em comunicado, que os detidos são suspeitos “de terem feito preparativos concretos para entrarem violentamente, com um pequeno grupo armado, no Bundestag”, a câmara baixa do parlamento alemão.
Cerca de três mil agentes participaram na operação policial, que incluiu buscas em 130 locais em 11 dos 16 estados da Alemanha, contra o movimento Cidadãos do Reich.
De acordo com o jornal alemão Der Spiegel, as buscas incluíram o quartel da KSK, a unidade de forças especiais da Alemanha, na cidade de Calw, no sudoeste do país. A KSK já tinha sido alvo de investigação no passado devido a alegadamente ter entre os soldados simpatizantes da extrema-direita.
https://observador.pt/2022/12/07/aleman ... de-estado/
As autoridades alemãs anunciaram a detenção de várias pessoas ligadas à extema-direita que estariam a preparar uma ação para tomar o poder no país e invadir o parlamento com um ataque armado.
Vinte e cinco pessoas foram detidas na Alemanha por uma alegada conspiração contra o governo que incluia a preparação de ataques armados, segundo a procuradoria-geral da Alemanha. De acordo com a BBC foram levadas a cabo várias operações por todo o país para travar uma tentativa de personalidades da extrema-direita e ex-militares invadirem o Parlamento e tomarem o poder no país.
A BBC revelou que alguns dos detidos são membros do Reichsbürger (Cidadãos do Reich), um movimento de extrema-direita alemão com ligações neonazis, para o qual as autoridades têm as atenções viradas há muito devido a ataques violentes e atos racistas. Este grupo recusa a existência da Alemanha como é, desde o estado às instituições e às fronteiras.
O grupo, que rejeita a Constituição implementada depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial e apela ao derrube do governo, terá sido formado em 2021.
Um dos principais responsáveis pelo plano é apresentado como o príncipe Heinrich XIII, de 71 anos, e terá sido fundamental no desenvolvimento do projeto que agora foi desmantelado. Além disso, será um dos dois cabecilhas que se encontram entre os detidos.
A procuradoria-geral da Alemanha referiu que 22 alemães foram detidos sob suspeita de “filiação numa organização terrorista”. Três outras pessoas, incluindo um russo, são suspeitas de apoiar a organização. Uma pessoa foi detida na cidade austríaca de Kitzbuehel e outra na cidade italiana de Perugia, referiu ainda o comunicado.
Os procuradores disseram, em comunicado, que os detidos são suspeitos “de terem feito preparativos concretos para entrarem violentamente, com um pequeno grupo armado, no Bundestag”, a câmara baixa do parlamento alemão.
Cerca de três mil agentes participaram na operação policial, que incluiu buscas em 130 locais em 11 dos 16 estados da Alemanha, contra o movimento Cidadãos do Reich.
De acordo com o jornal alemão Der Spiegel, as buscas incluíram o quartel da KSK, a unidade de forças especiais da Alemanha, na cidade de Calw, no sudoeste do país. A KSK já tinha sido alvo de investigação no passado devido a alegadamente ter entre os soldados simpatizantes da extrema-direita.
https://observador.pt/2022/12/07/aleman ... de-estado/
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Re: União Europeia
The EU’s phase of power
By Ricardo Borges de Castro
Russia’s war on Ukraine and its consequences for Europe’s security order usher the European integration project into a new chapter: The phase of power, writes Ricardo Borges de Castro.
Ricardo Borges de Castro is Associate Director at European Policy Centre (EPC) in Brussels.*
After the phase of ‘peace and reconciliation’ (1951-1991) and the phase of ‘prosperity and reunification’ (1991-2021), the European Union needs now to adapt to a new context of permacrisis that is more uncertain, volatile, and unpredictable than before. Hard power has become a key currency of international politics and the EU should adjust to this evolving reality.
Although the EU has attempted unsuccessfully in the past to become a more credible geopolitical actor, the events unleashed by Russia on 24 February 2022 are a watershed moment for Europe, and the Union can only thrive if it learns and speaks the language of power in this new environment.
Challenges lie ahead. The EU’s crash course in geopolitics will be shaped by key structural changes to the global order and adverse trends. A clear understanding of these framing factors along with foresight, unity, and political will, can be the difference between EU mastering or not the coming decade.
Structural changes
The nature of power has changed. Traditional elements of power alone – population, territory, GDP, and military might – are no longer sufficient to exert influence in today’s world. Relationships, connectivity, technology, and soft power are as important to navigate the 21st century. Yet, hybrid threats, including the weaponisation of mundane goods and events such as information, energy, food, or movements of people, are on the rise.
The number of global players has increased. Non-state actors (malicious or not), private foundations, civil society, networks, cities and regions, as well as influential individuals have joined nation-states, international organisations, and multinational corporations on the world stage, making it more complex.
Additionally, emerging powers with the ability to re-shape international relations such as China are increasingly more assertive. And Russia’s war on Ukraine is now the most serious test to the order that emerged after World War II.
The pace of change is also accelerating. The speed of the technological and digital revolution is increasing, a trend further bolstered by the COVID-19 pandemic. Governments – especially democracies – lag when it comes to adapting to disruptive technologies and offsetting their potential negative effects. More robust anticipatory democracies are needed to face this growing challenge. If European democracy can’t be faster, it needs to be smarter.
Adverse trends
Digitalisation and the tech revolution were accelerated by the pandemic. Today, digital tech is an integral part of how countries govern or fight, as well as of how people work, learn, consume, socialise, and access services. The tech revolution increasingly shapes geopolitics too. When compared to the ongoing race between the US and China on Artificial Intelligence, robotics, 5G, chips, quantum, and other cutting-edge technologies, the EU is behind and that undermines its global standing.
Following current trends, the global temperature is expected to increase by 1.5°C by 2040, and even earlier, if emissions are not drastically cut in the coming years. This will likely accelerate the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events, droughts, forest fires, and loss of biodiversity, with important implications for everything from food (in)security, global and local governance to displacement of populations and conflict. The EU will be called to step-in and step-up in responding to the effects of climate change.
While demographic patterns are mixed within Europe, the overall trend shows that there will be fewer Europeans, and they’ll be older in general. By 2030, it is projected that 25.5 per cent of Europe’s population will be over 65. There are many implications, but by far the most relevant is the future sustainability of Europe’s welfare state – only a strong and resilient social contract can support a credible EU in global affairs.
Not only will Europeans be fewer and older, but Europe’s economic power is also waning. The economy matters to Europe’s role in the world, and it is expected that by 2030, the EU27 will become the world’s third economic power after China and the US. What is more, the pandemic and Russia’s aggression on Ukraine revealed EU global value-chains’ dependencies and vulnerabilities likely to lead to a transformation of the current model of globalisation and free trade.
Europe’s (and the West’s) governance model is also being challenged worldwide. Until 2005, democracy and freedom were on the rise. But, according to FreedomHouse, for the last 16 consecutive years, the adherence to fundamental rights and freedoms and the rule of law has been steadily declining. COVID-19 made matters worse. In Europe too, democratic backsliding is spreading. That should be an eye opener for policymakers when they consider Europe’s place in the world.
The global decline of democracy may also be a result of the return of great power (strongman) politics, which is testing the international, rules-based multilateral order, resulting in a much more demanding environment for the EU. And the outcome of Russia’s illegal war of aggression on Ukraine will indeed determine the future of Europe’s peace and security order.
‘Learning the language of power’
Supporting Ukraine to win and making sure that Russia does not get away with a brutal war of aggression, as well as all the crimes committed against Ukrainians should be at the top of the agenda of any European leader.
But to eventually master the permacrisis the EU and its member countries need to understand the ongoing profound structural changes and key trends shaping the EU’s global role and adapt to this new ‘phase of power’ in the European integration project.
*An original, longer version was published in the Baltic Rim Economies review (BRE 4/2022) by the Pan-European Institute.
https://www.euractiv.com/section/global ... -of-power/
By Ricardo Borges de Castro
Russia’s war on Ukraine and its consequences for Europe’s security order usher the European integration project into a new chapter: The phase of power, writes Ricardo Borges de Castro.
Ricardo Borges de Castro is Associate Director at European Policy Centre (EPC) in Brussels.*
After the phase of ‘peace and reconciliation’ (1951-1991) and the phase of ‘prosperity and reunification’ (1991-2021), the European Union needs now to adapt to a new context of permacrisis that is more uncertain, volatile, and unpredictable than before. Hard power has become a key currency of international politics and the EU should adjust to this evolving reality.
Although the EU has attempted unsuccessfully in the past to become a more credible geopolitical actor, the events unleashed by Russia on 24 February 2022 are a watershed moment for Europe, and the Union can only thrive if it learns and speaks the language of power in this new environment.
Challenges lie ahead. The EU’s crash course in geopolitics will be shaped by key structural changes to the global order and adverse trends. A clear understanding of these framing factors along with foresight, unity, and political will, can be the difference between EU mastering or not the coming decade.
Structural changes
The nature of power has changed. Traditional elements of power alone – population, territory, GDP, and military might – are no longer sufficient to exert influence in today’s world. Relationships, connectivity, technology, and soft power are as important to navigate the 21st century. Yet, hybrid threats, including the weaponisation of mundane goods and events such as information, energy, food, or movements of people, are on the rise.
The number of global players has increased. Non-state actors (malicious or not), private foundations, civil society, networks, cities and regions, as well as influential individuals have joined nation-states, international organisations, and multinational corporations on the world stage, making it more complex.
Additionally, emerging powers with the ability to re-shape international relations such as China are increasingly more assertive. And Russia’s war on Ukraine is now the most serious test to the order that emerged after World War II.
The pace of change is also accelerating. The speed of the technological and digital revolution is increasing, a trend further bolstered by the COVID-19 pandemic. Governments – especially democracies – lag when it comes to adapting to disruptive technologies and offsetting their potential negative effects. More robust anticipatory democracies are needed to face this growing challenge. If European democracy can’t be faster, it needs to be smarter.
Adverse trends
Digitalisation and the tech revolution were accelerated by the pandemic. Today, digital tech is an integral part of how countries govern or fight, as well as of how people work, learn, consume, socialise, and access services. The tech revolution increasingly shapes geopolitics too. When compared to the ongoing race between the US and China on Artificial Intelligence, robotics, 5G, chips, quantum, and other cutting-edge technologies, the EU is behind and that undermines its global standing.
Following current trends, the global temperature is expected to increase by 1.5°C by 2040, and even earlier, if emissions are not drastically cut in the coming years. This will likely accelerate the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events, droughts, forest fires, and loss of biodiversity, with important implications for everything from food (in)security, global and local governance to displacement of populations and conflict. The EU will be called to step-in and step-up in responding to the effects of climate change.
While demographic patterns are mixed within Europe, the overall trend shows that there will be fewer Europeans, and they’ll be older in general. By 2030, it is projected that 25.5 per cent of Europe’s population will be over 65. There are many implications, but by far the most relevant is the future sustainability of Europe’s welfare state – only a strong and resilient social contract can support a credible EU in global affairs.
Not only will Europeans be fewer and older, but Europe’s economic power is also waning. The economy matters to Europe’s role in the world, and it is expected that by 2030, the EU27 will become the world’s third economic power after China and the US. What is more, the pandemic and Russia’s aggression on Ukraine revealed EU global value-chains’ dependencies and vulnerabilities likely to lead to a transformation of the current model of globalisation and free trade.
Europe’s (and the West’s) governance model is also being challenged worldwide. Until 2005, democracy and freedom were on the rise. But, according to FreedomHouse, for the last 16 consecutive years, the adherence to fundamental rights and freedoms and the rule of law has been steadily declining. COVID-19 made matters worse. In Europe too, democratic backsliding is spreading. That should be an eye opener for policymakers when they consider Europe’s place in the world.
The global decline of democracy may also be a result of the return of great power (strongman) politics, which is testing the international, rules-based multilateral order, resulting in a much more demanding environment for the EU. And the outcome of Russia’s illegal war of aggression on Ukraine will indeed determine the future of Europe’s peace and security order.
‘Learning the language of power’
Supporting Ukraine to win and making sure that Russia does not get away with a brutal war of aggression, as well as all the crimes committed against Ukrainians should be at the top of the agenda of any European leader.
But to eventually master the permacrisis the EU and its member countries need to understand the ongoing profound structural changes and key trends shaping the EU’s global role and adapt to this new ‘phase of power’ in the European integration project.
*An original, longer version was published in the Baltic Rim Economies review (BRE 4/2022) by the Pan-European Institute.
https://www.euractiv.com/section/global ... -of-power/
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Re: União Europeia
Os preços mais baixos de que lembro em Portugal, no mercado grossista OMIE, desde o início do “mecanismo ibérico”.
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Re: União Europeia
https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/artic ... ify%20wall
The Worst of Europe's Energy Crisis Isn't Over
https://www.lavanguardia.com/economia/2 ... enero.html
Francia se prepara para apagones de electricidad rotatorios en enero
The Worst of Europe's Energy Crisis Isn't Over
https://www.lavanguardia.com/economia/2 ... enero.html
Francia se prepara para apagones de electricidad rotatorios en enero