Pergunte ao Bourne

[Bourne]

Palavra do Bourne - Coisa Séria

Adivinha quem estaria fazendo 50 anos hoje. Sim. Ele mesmo. Um dos idolos do Mister Bourne. Ayrton Senna da Silva.



Imaginem se o homem estivesse vivo. Quantas 500 milhas de indianapólis poderia vencer, heim?

[Enlil]

Nem me fale. Foi a única época em q acompanhei a F1 em minha vida. Depois do fatídico dia de 1994 o automobilismo perdeu absolutamente a graça para mim. De fato é um pouquíssimos ídolos com quem realmente me emociono. Morreu em seu auge. Por mais q Schumaccher empilhe títulos ele nunca superará o mito Ayrton Senna. Aliás, na minha opinião, ele nunca teve adversários a altura como o Senna.

[Clermont]

Poderoso Bourne! Santificado seja vosso nome.

Por favor, responda a este vosso servo: vc acredita que Fabiana Murer e Yelena Isinbayeva são, apenas, amigas, ou secretamente mantém uma relação íntima, contra as leis da Natureza e da Santa Madre Igreja?

[Franz Luiz]

Obrigado pela resposta, Bourne. Gostaria que vc me orientasse num problema mais complexo. Tudo começou quando fui a um motel tempos atrás. Quando cheguei na entrada senti uma forte dor de barriga. Resultado de uma feijoada que tinha comido no almoço. Peguei a chave e me dirigi ao quarto pensando: "vai dar tempo...vai dar tempo...." o problema é que quando cheguei o quarto não estava pronto, e ainda faziam a limpeza, e tive que ficar esperando no carro. Segurei até onde deu, mas como vi que uma tragedia poderia estar a meio caminho de acontecer, tive que procurar uma solução. Foi quando notei que a porta da garagem do quarto do lado estava aberta. Ao chegar no quarto notei que o mesmo estava reservado e preparado para algum casal que deveria estar comemorando algo especial, pois havia petalas de rosas jogdasno chão, champanhe etc. Sentei no vaso e tive uma das melhores sensações de alivio que já tive na minha vida. Dai vem o agravante da situação. Depois que terminei fiquei com medo do barulho da descarga chamara a atenção da faxineira que estava no quarto ao lado onde eu iria ocupar. POrtanto não dei a descarga.
Depois disso não paro de pensar na situação do casal que ocupou o quarto. Fico imaginado a cena do cara entrando com a namorada/esposa/amante de olhos vendados etc e cara deles ao abrirem aquele banheiro e encontrarem aquela visão do inferno. A idéia de ter desgraçado a vida daqueles dois infelizes me causa um estranho prazer. E esse é o meu problema, pois depois disso já repeti essa situação varias vezes. Voltei outras vezes no motel e usei o banheiro novamente deixando a surpresa para o casal. Isso virou uma obsessão, e esta me trazendo problemas, pois outro dia vi num tabloide da minha cidade a seguinte noticia: "O CAGADOR MASCARADO ATACA NOVAMENTE. POLICIA JÁ TEM SUSPEITO"
Dai te pergunto. Como se chama esse tipo de obsessão? Isso tem cura? O que eu devo fazer? Devo me entregar, ou continuar a ser o cagador mascarado?

Caro Guerra,

A situação descrita é de uma obsessão compulsiva. Não importa o nome. Para solucionará o primeiro passo é admitir que é doente. O segundo é procurar ajuda profissional tanto psicológica quando física, pois esse relógio de necessidades fisiológicas é estranho e pode indicar problemas sérios tais como câncer de postada ou intestino.

A política não tem nada a ver com isso. Não há crime.

Guerra e Bourne

Comecei a ler hoje o tópico e gostaria de fazer algumas considerações.

1o. - Bourne, parabéns pelo tópico. Qaundo vi o número de páginas em poucos dias
vi o sucesso que estás a fazer. logo bate o famigerado "FX-2 o retorno".

2o. Guerra e Bourne, apesar de não gostar nem um pouco de piadas e piadistas, tenho que agradece-los.
Voces foram responsáveis por uma desinteria mental de tanto que ri.
Fazia tempo que não ria tanto e de forma tão espontânea. Vocês não prestam nem um pouco.
Obrigado pela risoterapia.

Um abraço aos dois

Franz Luiz

[Bourne]

Poderoso Bourne! Santificado seja vosso nome.

Por favor, responda a este vosso servo: vc acredita que Fabiana Murer e Yelena Isinbayeva são, apenas, amigas, ou secretamente mantém uma relação íntima, contra as leis da Natureza e da Santa Madre Igreja?

Não creio.

Entretanto, devo ressaltar que a Fabiana Murer teve um grande problema na sua carreira e vida chamado Antonio Pizzonia. Aquele piloto meia boca que tem como grande trunfo interpretar muito bem o personagem abaixo:



Pois bem, o maldito quase fez com que ela abandonasse as competições de atletismo. Porém como um truque do destino e depois de ser mãe voltou a competir em alto nível. Pagar as contas da filha deve ter sido um enorme incetivo. Haja vista que o pai não é nenhum Tony Kanaan ou Massinha, ambos muito bem pagos e que correm em categorias de ponta. Afinal correr na Superliga e ainda pelo Corinthians não deve dar muito dinheiro e, nem mesmo pela Estoque, com aqueles carros fakes de turismo.

A russa é outro nível. Observem abaixo:



Observem a afetividade com que ela segura a vara.

[Francoorp]

POW fiquei alguns dias sem entrar e temesta pérola de tópico rolando....já tá na 22!!

O Bourne, ilumine a minha alma e o meu viver, me diga, quem vai ser eleito predidente do senado em 2011??? Não me diga que é o Sarney de novo que eu pulo hein!!!

Brincadeira!!

Gostei do Tópico, muito original, parabéns!!

Vou voltar com uma boa pergunta daqui a pouco...

[Francoorp]

Voltei, olha só o que trouxe pra ti. gostaria de saber a tua opinião nesta coisa... eu mesmo traduzi este texto para o português para o sitio do plano brasil, mas creio que ainda não o colocou no ar.

Mas não é a tradução que me interessa saber de ti, quanto a possibilidade real de termos o hemisfério ocidental divido entre nós e os Yankees, como sugeri o autor S h a n n o n O ’ N e i l, eu discordo pois quero o hemisfério só pra nós!

Vai o Texto original:

Brazil as an Emerging
Power: The View from
the United States

S h a n n o n O ’ N e i l 1

E X E C U T I V E S U M MARY
The United States has always seen Brazil as a signifi cant regional
powerhouse, but its perceived importance has risen in the last
decade. Because of its economic strength, its hemispheric leadership
and its growing geostrategic role through multilateral international
forums, it has become a vital player in regional and global politics
across numerous dimensions. While US recognition of Brazil’s political
and economic emergence brought to the fore the question of how
Washington should manage relations with Brasilia, translating this new
awareness into concrete bilateral policies and partnerships remains
diffi cult. It is unclear whether the US and Brazil will be willing and
able to form a ‘special relationship’.
I N T R O D U C T I O N
In the last century the US has viewed Brazil as an important nation
on the world stage — based on the sheer size of its territory, economy
and population, and on its shared Western values. At times the US
has pushed for a ‘special relationship’, recognising Brazil’s importance
for hemispheric and global stability. During the Second World War,
it promised support for Brazil’s development agenda. In exchange,
Brazil became the only Latin American nation to send troops to
Europe’s battlefi elds. Although the pledged alliance faded after the war,
throughout the 1950s Brazil largely supported US Cold War policies, if
at a distance. This support continued during the military government
of the 1960s. During the 1970s the US — especially Henry Kissinger
— tried to reaffirm the ‘special relationship’, envisioning greater
consultation and co-operation on an array of issues. These efforts
were scuttled by a Carter administration more concerned with Brazil’s
equivocal position on human rights and nuclear non-proliferation.

These differences led not to conflict but to
detachment between the two governments.
By the 1980s, relations tilted away from
commonalities and became more tense. The
US disapproved of Brazilian trade policies
and its hardline stance in negotiating with the
International Monetary Fund and other creditors
in the wake of the debt crisis. As the largest of all
third world debtors, Brazil repeatedly refused to
pay interest on its arrears, threatening the deals
US banks were negotiating with other nations.
Newly democratic Brazil was also at odds over US
military involvement in Central America.
By the 1990s the debt crisis was resolved,
and Brazil again became a welcome partner in
an evolving post-Cold War world. Even if few
concrete actions were taken, Presidents Cardoso
and Clinton agreed on many matters. Some
progress was made in the realm of democracy. Both
countries supported consolidating democracy in
the region and leaned on Paraguay to reverse the
attempted coup by an army commander against
the elected government in 1996. Later, Brazil
proved important in pushing through the Inter-
American Democratic Charter of the Organization
of American States, which binds all 34 active
members to strengthen democratic institutions.
Yet, as globalisation began to drive much of
US foreign policy, trade again became a sticking
point. Brazil’s reluctance to support fully a
free trade area of the Americas frustrated the
Clinton administration and thwarted a closer
relationship.
Generalising fi ve decades of foreign policy,
the US rhetorically recognised Brazil’s importance
but concrete, practical initiatives or partnerships
were few. This left little in the way of tangible
policy outcomes. Instead the two countries
maintained a fairly warm if distant status quo,
befi tting Washington’s view that Brazil occupied
an infl uential — but not central — role in the
world pecking order.
T U R N I N G P O I N T I N R E L AT I O N S
The urgency for bilateral relations began to
change in the last decade. Brazil was blessed with
natural resources, an almost 200 million-strong
domestic market and a well diversifi ed economy
with robust agricultural, mining, manufacturing
and service sectors. But for decades it suffered
from high infl ation, exchange rate instability and
low growth. This chronic economic instability
meant that, while viewed as geographically and
geostrategically important, Brazil was seen by
many in Washington, to quote General Charles
de Gaulle, as ‘not a serious country’.
These reservations began to fade as its
economy improved. Anchored by the 1994 Plan
Real, Brazil finally tamed its historically high
inflation through solid macroeconomic and
monetary policies and embarked on privatisation
and other economic reforms. Put in place by
President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, these
initiatives were advanced by his leftist successor
and current president, Luiz Inácio ‘Lula’ da Silva.
By 2001, Brazil’s ascent was recognised by
fi nancial markets. Banking giant Goldman Sachs
named it one of the countries — with the BRIC
group of Russia, India and China — that could
potentially eclipse the G8 in coming decades. By
the mid 2000s, Brazil’s macroeconomic instability
seemed fully relegated to the past, and its economy
boomed with higher commodity prices and the
long awaited expansion of its middle class.
At the same time, climbing worldwide energy
prices and rising concerns over climate change
brought it’s biofuel successes and technology to
Washington’s attention. Brazil’s biofuel industry
dates back to the 1970s when the military
government introduced an ethonal programme
mandating a blend of sugar cane ethanol into
transportation fuel to wean the country off
dependence on imported fossil fuels. By the late
1980s more than a third of the country’s motor
vehicle fl eet was running on pure ethanol.
In 1993 a federal law increased the mandate
to a 25% ethanol blend, and demand outstripped
local supply. The later technological breakthrough
of fl ex-fuel vehicle engines restored widespread
confi dence and investment in ethanol, allowing
motorists to switch to any blend of gasoline and
ethanol at any time.
By the turn of the 21st century, Brazil boasted
the most effi cient biofuel production in the world,
with volumes rivalling those of the United States.

Vast expanses of pasture land were readied for
more sugar cane. In February 2008, the market
share of ethanol surpassed that of traditional
gasoline at Brazilian pumps, proving the market
viability of alternative fuels in one of the world’s
largest economies. Add to this the recent discovery
of signifi cant oil fi elds off its coast and Brazil’s
image as a global energy leader was secured.
Politically, the United States came to see
Brazil’s well-grounded democracy and President
Lula’s centrist evenhandedness — particularly
compared to neighbours like Venezuela — as
important for US interests in the hemisphere. In
addition, Presidents George W Bush and Lula
seemed to like each other, encouraging greater
efforts to work together.
For Washington, Brazil’s rise came at a
propitious time of changing policies and
priorities. As the Bush administration took on
two wars abroad, little bandwidth remained for
policing its own hemisphere, despite what many
saw as worrisome political shifts in the Andean
region. The White House hoped that Brazil, as
an important stakeholder and leader, would also
accept responsibility to push for stability and
democracy in South America. During his visit
in 2005, George W Bush recognised Brazil as a
‘leader … exercising its leadership across the
globe’ and reassured Lula that as he ‘works for
a better tomorrow, Brazil must know (it has) a
strong partner in the United States’.
T H E U S V I E W TODAY
Events in the last few years and a change in
US administration make Brazil perhaps even
more important for US foreign policy. After the
worldwide financial meltdown, the relative
success of Brazil, China and other developing
economies has defi nitively shifted the centre of
global fi nancial agreements from the G8 to the
G20. This gives Brazil a permanent seat in all
major global macroeconomic discussions, where
it already has a vital voice in the North–South
dialogue.
With climate change a priority for the Obama
administration, Brazil’s perceived importance has
grown, both for its leadership in alternative energy
and its fi ght against deforestation. It already boasts
one of the most eco-friendly energy matrices in the
world, with 46% of primary energy coming from
renewable sources, far above the world average of
8%. In addition, as majority owner of the planet’s
largest rainforest, the Amazon, Brazil may play the
central role in slowing worldwide deforestation,
the leading cause of carbon emissions.
While still not given as much airtime in
Washington as many of its BRIC partners —
China in particular — Brazil is seen as an
emerging power that the United States can work
with on many issues: global fi nancial stability,
climate change, reform of multilateral institutions
(e.g.: the UN, G20, WTO, IMF) as well as regional
security, stability and development.
ST U M B L I N G TOWA R D S A P O L I C Y
For all these reasons, many in Washington are
calling yet again for a new special relationship.
While this is progress, there are significant
limitations on translating it into concrete
policies.
On a practical level, the US–Latin America
policy community has historically been biased
toward Spanish-speaking Latin America. Few
in Washington know Brazil well or speak
Portuguese. The lack of a dedicated group of
experts — inside and outside government —
limits the constant pressure needed to keep Brazil
fi rmly on the US foreign policy agenda. Adding
to this, US domestic political battles meant that it
took nearly a year for President Obama to confi rm
his new ambassador to Brazil. This gap severely
hampered the administration’s ability to create a
more dynamic engagement.
It is also still unclear how best to promote
common interests. While they share many
concerns in principle, priorities and policies are
often not aligned, and at times even in confl ict. In
the realm of security, the United States prioritises
counterterrorism, which sits low on the list
of Brazilian concerns. On drug-traffi cking, US
counter-narcotics assistance to the region often
focuses on military responses, while Brazil has
tended toward policing and law enforcement
solutions. Add to this a long-standing suspicion

over US military involvement in the region, which
recently resurfaced with an agreement granting
the US military access to seven Colombian bases
to combat drug traffi cking and guerrillas. Then
there are US concerns about Iranian President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s offi cial visit to Brasilia
in November 2009. These differences may make
it diffi cult to fi nd a middle ground for deeper
partnership on security issues in the hemisphere
— while highlighting the need for Washington
to communicate more openly with regional
partners.
Debate over free trade poses similar dilemmas.
While the US and Brazil rhetorically support
expanding global free trade through the World
Trade Organisation’s Doha round and other
mechanisms, their fundamental interests often
diverge. Brazil wants to reduce or eliminate
extensive US agricultural subsidies and
protections, as well as tariffs on products like
ethanol. The vagaries of US domestic politics
make it diffi cult to deliver on these demands. The
US, in turn, is suspicious of Brazilian protection
of its industrial sector, and of what it sees as a
weak intellectual property rights regime, and
hopes Brazil is willing to change its position on
services and market access.
Finally, assuming that Washington stays
focused on developing its relationship (a big
assumption), it is unclear whether Brazil actually
aspires to closer relations. It might benefi t Brazil
to keep the northern behemoth at arm’s length,
particularly given the role the United States
may envision for Brazil as an active regional
‘stakeholder’, shouldering greater responsibilities
in the hemisphere and acting in US interests.
CONCLUSION
It is likely that the US view of Brazil has changed
permanently in recent years and recognises
the nation’s importance for regional and world
order. Brazil is fi nally seen as a genuine emerging
power. The enhanced strategic dialogue and
co-operative steps taken in recent years in light
of this recognition have benefi ted both countries.
Nevertheless, many areas of disengagement and
even confl ict remain. Whether the newly invoked
‘special relationship’ will be more multifaceted
and long-lasting this time remains to be seen.
ENDNOT E S
1 Shannon K. O’Neil is the Douglas Dillon Fellow
for Latin America Studies at the Council on Foreign
Relations.
The Emerging

Valeu!!

[P44]

Poderoso Bourne! Santificado seja vosso nome.

Por favor, responda a este vosso servo: vc acredita que Fabiana Murer e Yelena Isinbayeva são, apenas, amigas, ou secretamente mantém uma relação íntima, contra as leis da Natureza e da Santa Madre Igreja?

Há fotos?

[P44]

Nem me fale. Foi a única época em q acompanhei a F1 em minha vida. Depois do fatídico dia de 1994 o automobilismo perdeu absolutamente a graça para mim. De fato é um pouquíssimos ídolos com quem realmente me emociono. Morreu em seu auge. Por mais q Schumaccher empilhe títulos ele nunca superará o mito Ayrton Senna. Aliás, na minha opinião, ele nunca teve adversários a altura como o Senna.

Assino por baixo, oh confrade Enlil!!!!!

[Bourne]

Palavra do Bourne - Breves Relatos

Camaradas,

A tarde voltarei para contar os fatos que ocorreram comigo no fim de semana, especialmente a tiazinha ninfomaníaca que está me assediando e quase me estuprando. Estou me sentindo fodinha.

[Rui Elias Maltez]

Conta lá então para este consultório sentimental, Bourne...

mas esla está com o gás todo dando em cima de si?

[Túlio]

SENHORES FÃS


Este Manager tem o prazer de informar que em breve estará aberta a LOJINHA DO BOURNE!!!


(OHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH............ )


Camisetas fashion com dizeres interessantes e sensuais, bonés idem, cuequinhas fio-dental e muito mais merchandising porque duvidem de tudo menos de que somos CAPITALISTAS ARDOROSOS e estamos a caminho de nosso primeiro milhão!

Aguardem ansiosos.


A Gerência.

[Paisano]

[Túlio]

Acrescento que as camisetas sairão mais ou menos 118 séculos antes das do DB...

[Bourne]

Conta lá então para este consultório sentimental, Bourne...

mas esla está com o gás todo dando em cima de si?

Sim. Quem disse que ir a academia, fazer mestrado e ser sem-noção não serve para nada